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development with decreasing income disparity tends to induce people turn to both
electoral and liberal democracy.

These finding suggests that it is important to consider them both like,
economic development as well as income equality. Maybe the combination of both
economic development and income equality are deperaty produce supporting
democracy and opportunity to dictatorship.

The implication of my studying that the premise that support for democracy is
primarily determined by distributional conflicts seems to be questionable in the
context of East Asia. As many studies documents in western society emphasis this
aspect and finding suggests that it is not that much, even if the distributional
conflicts remain salient, authoritarian rule or illiberal democracy may not be
appealing to high-income people because it may collide with their newly acquired
values and beliefs, the importance of which could outweigh that of their material
interests.

The existing frameworks of inequality-democracy relations fail to provide
satisfactory explanations for democratization in East Asia. The micro-level evidence
for the relationship between inequality and democracy turns out to be mixed. It is
found that the impact of inequality on system affect is mitigated by institutions of
voice of accountability, suggesting that inequality is more detrimental in autocracies
regime than in democracies.

The impact of inequality on distributive politics is conditioned by not only
institutional but also historical and structural factors. It is found that redistribution
preferences contribute to ideological identification as left or right, but the impact
tends to be far weaker in East Asia. It is also found that inequality plays a limited
role in mobilizing the poor in electoral politics in East Asia, suggesting that electoral
institutions themselves may be insufficient to mobilize the poor in distributive
politics unless inequality becomes a salient issue. It is also found that the influence
of inequality on electoral politics is conditioned by the patterns of social cleavages.

The conclusion of my presentation is that the politics of inequality is infeasible
in East Asia, despite growing inequality, East Asia displays fewer features of เอกสารประกอบการอภิปรายร่วมระหว่างผู้แทนจากต่างประเทศ
distributive politics. The median voter theorem or a simple left-right partisan model
proves to be limited in accounting for politics in the region. Much research has
it done, it is shaped by political social history.