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                       Finally, Table 4 shows evidence from the sample countries without dividing
                  them into two groups by levels of income inequality. Two country-level dummy
                  variables, as constructed by combining national income and income inequality, are
                  used with the omitted dummy being unequal and low national income countries. As
                  presented in the first column of the table, falling in a higher quintile instead of the
                  poorest one had positive effects on democracy in general. It is notable that falling
                  in the richest quintile had the greatest effects. This is more consistent with the
                  expectation of the elite-competition theory than that of the redistribution-democracy
                  theory. Where people lived mattered not much to diffuse democratic support.

                       As presented in the second column of the table, falling in the richest quintile
                  instead of the poorest one had no effects on inclusive citizenship, a finding less
                  consistent with the expectation of the redistribution-democracy theory. It is notable
                  that living in an unequal but affluent country instead of an unequal and less
                  affluent one had negative effects, suggesting that economic development with
                  increasing income disparity tends to induce people to turn away from electoral
                  democracy. By contrast, living in an equal and affluent country instead of an
                  unequal and less affluent one had positive effects, suggesting that economic
                  development with decreasing income disparity tends to induce people to turn to
                  electoral democracy.

                       As shown in the third column of the table, falling in the richest quintile
                  instead of the poorest one had positive effects on checks and balances, indicating
                  that the wealthy were more supportive of liberal democracy than the poor. This
                  finding is consistent with the individual-level implication of the elite-competition
                  theory. It is noteworthy that living in an unequal but affluent country instead of an
                  unequal and less affluent one had negative effects, suggesting that economic
                  development with increasing income disparity tends to induce people to turn away
                  from liberal democracy. By contrast, living in an equal and affluent country instead
                  of an unequal and less affluent one had positive effects, suggesting that economic
                  development with decreasing income disparity induces people to turn to liberal
                  democracy.


                       As shown in the last column of the table, falling in the middle or higher          เอกสารประกอบการอภิปรายร่วมระหว่างผู้แทนจากต่างประเทศ
                  quintile instead of the bottom one had negative effects on dictatorship. This finding
                  is not consistent with the individual-level implication of the redistribution-democracy
                  theory that the wealthy turn to dictatorship because of fear of redistribution under
                  democracy. It is noteworthy that living in an unequal but affluent country instead of
                  an unequal and less affluent one had negative effects, suggesting that economic
                  development even without decreasing income disparity still induces people to turn
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