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military rule has increased on a par. The cultural deconsolidation of Korean

democracy had already been set in the early 2000s, and its current state is that
full democrats are outpaced by hybrids two times over. Although democratic
institutions are likely to persist, hybridisation of these institutions and authoritarian
governance is likely to be a dominant feature of South Korean politics. A majority

of the country’s citizens do not seem to be aware of how dangerous strongman
rule would be because they regard it as a good way of ruling the country.
Therefore, South Korean democracy has fallen into a low-equilibrium trap as citizens’
demand for democracy is low and elites, progressive or conservative, continue to

violate rule of law, liberal integrity, and limited government (Rose and Shin 2001;
Svolik 2013). These are the costs of incomplete democracy, which entail political
discontent and mass protests in South Korea.

To escape from this trap, Korean democracy needs to increase full democrats

who not only embrace democracy but also reject all types of authoritarian rule. In
the politics of democratisation and democratic change, to end authoritarian rule and
to construct liberal democracy are two different tasks. Having democratic
institutions does not guarantee making them work. South Korean politics has

focused on the former but has lacked efforts to practice principles of liberal
democracy and enhance democratic citizenship. Without improving democratic
citizenship, democracy in South Korea will persist as incomplete and ordinary
citizens must pay the price for this. การอภิปราย