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           parties hesitated and failed to pass the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye.
           December 3 was the largest protest recorded in modern Korean history: 2.3 million
           citizens nationwide, including 1.9 million in Seoul, took to the streets and demanded
           the immediate impeachment and resignation of Park Geun-hye. Six months of

           continuous candlelight rallies ended with Park’s dramatic downfall from president to
           prisoner, after which a new government was elected and South Korean democracy
           rebounded.

                 Because the candlelight protest stopped deconsolidation of South Korean

           democracy and enabled its restoration, scholars started to praise both the
           candlelight protest and South Korean democracy. For example, Hong-koo Lee
           (2017), the former prime minister of Korea, praised “South Korea as a beacon of

           Asian democracy” and Yascha Mounk (2018, 185) stated that the candlelight
           protests “can serve as inspiration to defenders of liberal democracy around the
           world.” Ha-Joon Chang (2017) described in The New York Times that “South
           Koreans worked a democratic miracle.” Finally, after editing a special issue of Korea
           Journal about the candlelight protest and South Korean democracy, HeeMin Kim

           (2019, 15) concluded that “we are optimistic about the future of democracy in
           Korea.”

                 Although these scholarly evaluations are insightful enough to provide

           temporary information about the state of democracy in South Korea, they are
           limited in assessing its consolidation and deconsolidation in a systematic way. The
           reasons are twofold. Conceptually, these assessments of South Korean democracy
           narrowly focus on institutional dimensions of democratic health and, thus, fail to

           view democratic consolidation as multidimensional phenomena having both
           institutional and cultural aspects. As Rose and his colleagues (1998, 8) aptly
           pointed out, “if institutions are the ‘hardware of democracy, then what people think
           about these institutions constitutes the ‘software’ of democracy.” Second, little is

           known about whether the candlelight protest temporarily halted deconsolidation of
           South Korean democracy or functioned as an important moment to deepen
           democracy. Likewise, it is an imperative task to examine whether democratic
    การอภิปราย   restoration is a short moment and democratic deconsolidation is a persistent trend

           in South Korea.
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