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               parties hesitated and failed to pass the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye.

               December 3 was the largest protest recorded in modern Korean history: 2.3 million
               citizens nationwide, including 1.9 million in Seoul, took to the streets and demanded
               the immediate impeachment and resignation of Park Geun-hye. Six months of
               continuous candlelight rallies ended with Park’s dramatic downfall from president to

               prisoner, after which a new government was elected and South Korean democracy
               rebounded.

                     Because the candlelight protest stopped deconsolidation of South Korean
               democracy and enabled its restoration, scholars started to praise both the

               candlelight protest and South Korean democracy. For example, Hong-koo Lee
               (2017), the former prime minister of Korea, praised “South Korea as a beacon of
               Asian democracy” and Yascha Mounk (2018, 185) stated that the candlelight
               protests “can serve as inspiration to defenders of liberal democracy around the

               world.” Ha-Joon Chang (2017) described in The New York Times that “South
               Koreans worked a democratic miracle.” Finally, after editing a special issue of Korea
               Journal about the candlelight protest and South Korean democracy, HeeMin Kim
               (2019, 15) concluded that “we are optimistic about the future of democracy in

               Korea.”

                     Although these scholarly evaluations are insightful enough to provide
               temporary information about the state of democracy in South Korea, they are

               limited in assessing its consolidation and deconsolidation in a systematic way. The
               reasons are twofold. Conceptually, these assessments of South Korean democracy
               narrowly focus on institutional dimensions of democratic health and, thus, fail to
               view democratic consolidation as multidimensional phenomena having both
               institutional and cultural aspects. As Rose and his colleagues (1998, 8) aptly

               pointed out, “if institutions are the ‘hardware of democracy, then what people think
               about these institutions constitutes the ‘software’ of democracy.” Second, little is
               known about whether the candlelight protest temporarily halted deconsolidation of

               South Korean democracy or functioned as an important moment to deepen
               democracy. Likewise, it is an imperative task to examine whether democratic
        การอภิปราย   restoration is a short moment and democratic deconsolidation is a persistent trend
               in South Korea.
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