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                  (Hanahoe), whose members had been highly involved in the authoritarian past, and

                  expanded democratic elections to all levels of government. In 1997, South Korea
                  became the first East Asian democracy in which power was peacefully transferred
                  to an opposition leader, Kim Dae-jung. The Kim Dae-jung government (1998–2002)
                  advanced civil and political rights despite the 1997 financial crisis. Assessing

                  the democratic progress of the 1990s, Kim Byung-Kook (2000, 53) wrote that
                  “electoral politics has become the only possible political game in town.”

                       In the second phase, the early and middle 2000s, South Korean democracy
                  persisted as political representation was enlarged to include various ideological

                  parties such as the Democratic Labour Party, whose principles were close to
                  socialism and, thus, had been prohibited under the authoritarian past. After 10 years
                  of the progressive governments of Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun, a traditional
                  conservative party, the Grand National Party, returned to power through the 2007

                  national election, which suggested that South Korean democracy had passed
                  Huntington’s two-turnover test of democratic consolidation (1991, 267). On the
                  basis of the enlargement of ideological representation and the passing of the two-
                  turnover test, Ham Chaebong (2008, 129) declared that “South Korea’s democracy

                  is consolidated in the maximalist sense.”

                       However, South Korea experienced democratic deconsolidation before the
                  candlelight protest of 2016–2017. Lee Myung-bak was elected president from the

                  conservative side in 2007 and Park Geun-hye succeeded him in 2012; their actions
                  while in office indicated that South Korean democracy had waned. For example,
                  freedom of expression and association were restricted and the Korean National
                  Intelligence Service illegally interfered in the 2012 presidential election by
                  manipulating public opinion online (Cho and Kim 2016). It was also revealed during

                  the early period of the candlelight protest that the Park Geun-hye government had
                  blacklisted about 10,000 artists critical of her presidency (Shin 2018).

                       However, the candlelight protest became a turning point, after which Korean
                  democracy was restored, as evidenced in Figure 23.1. During late 2016, Korean

                  mass media discovered that Park Geun-hye had allowed Choi Soon-sil, her personal
                  confidante, who held no government position, to freely meddle in domestic and
                  foreign policies, actions collectively called the “Park Geun-hye and Choi Soon-sil       การอภิปราย

                  scandal.” The candlelight protest escalated during November 2016 when political
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