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                                                                                         สถาบันพระปกเกล้า ครั้งที่ 16   47


                      the elections as unlimited as license to do anything, there will be opposition, there
                      will be people who are suspicious, there will be people who are not quite comfortable

                      with that kind of creeping power into everything. And that is what Levitsky called
                      “Competitive Authoritarianism.” So, in the legislature, Chairperson of the National
                      Reform Council, we have to think about how to make sure that the power of the

                      people is not going to be hijacked for the purpose of certain groups, certain parties,
                      and certain coalitions. The balance of power in the parliament is necessary. Check and

                      balance inside.

                            The third one is the balance in the relations between the political leadership and

                      the bureaucracy.  I have just mentioned that. How to create and guarantee that the
                      bureaucracy will be protected from political interference. I had an opportunity to meet

                      with Mr. Blair when he came in to share his experiences how to reconcile with the
                      Northern Ireland separatists. I told him that the bureaucracy is a problem. I said, in
                      your system, your Excellency, Mr. Prime Minister, you have this TV series called “Yes

                      Minister,” meaning when the political leaders want anything, the bureaucrat will have
                      to say yes. It is a comedy. But I asked Prime Minister Blair, “has there been an

                      occasion when the bureaucrat said no minister, even no prime minister?” Mr. Blair said
                      “oh yes, when they don’t want to go to jail with us, they will say no. Oh yes when
                      they can’t take our policy, they will resign.” The problem with our bureaucracy is it is

                      a collection of nepotism, relatives, friends of friends, appointed because there is a
                      phone call coming to ask for that appointment. Appointed because there is a name

                      card saying that this person should be given that position. To the point where the
                      entire bureaucracy has become totally weakened, unable to perform the functions.
                      So, the balance between the political leadership and the bureaucracy has to be found.

                      Can we find a system that the bureaucracy has its own buffer? That any bureaucracy
                      will have to have its own line of succession very clear, that you groom people coming

                      up to become a deputy director-general (อธิบดี) or a permanent secretary (ปลัด) so that
                      “ไม่มีใครกระโดดร่มมาจากที่อื่น,” so that political leadership is not going to bring
                      anybody from outside, MY PROTÉGÉ, from somewhere and become a deputy

                      director-general or a permanent secretary in your ministry. The bureaucracy will have
                      to be shielded, protected and given a space of themselves, of their own so that they

                      will be saved from interference from the political leadership, particularly when the bad
                      political leadership takes majority as license as I said earlier.


                            Corruption. Corruption distorts power relations in the state. When you
                      accumulate wealth. And in our system, when you have wealth, you have power.
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